But it has not evinced the same kind of maternal care and concern for its Black exiles from Africa. And it is that time is neutral. It can be used either constructively or destructively. And it may well be that we will have to repent in this generation not merely for the vitriolic words of the bad people and the violent actions of the bad people, but for the appalling silence and indifference of the good people who sit around and say wait on time.
It comes through the tireless efforts and the persistent work of dedicated Individuals. And without this hard work time itself becomes an ally of the primitive forces of social stagnation.
Theology, Black | rticunfarlawin.ml
And so we must help time, and we must realize that the time is always right to do right. This political mixture of the Black Christian church and militancy has deep origins in the African-American community. It goes back to the resistance to slavery. The modern version arose during the civil rights movement. It basically combines the philosophy of the Black Christian church and Black Nationalism. Supporters of the ideology of Black Liberation Theology believe that the system can be reformed and Blacks can bring themselves up by the bootstraps and become full equals in U.
The advocates see a future where the poor can become middle class and CEOs of major corporations; and, of course, elected U. Senator or even President of the country — some day. One of the main intellectual articulators of the theory is the Rev.
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James Hal Cone of Arkansas. This is the essence of the Biblical revelation. By electing Israelite slaves as the people of God and by becoming the Oppressed One in Jesus Christ, the human race is made to understand that God is known where human beings experience humiliation and suffering…Liberation is not an afterthought, but the very essence of divine activity.
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Black Nationalists self identified or not; few are today — whether of the Booker T. Washington philosophy of seeking to reform the system, or the more militant Black power ideology of Marcus Garvey and the s followers of Malcolm X — all argued that Blacks must pull themselves up and stand on their own two feet. Wright speaks to the reality of Black history and the subtle and actual racism that his typical church goer has experienced. His sermons are mainstream, and not anti-American — or against capitalism. To Rev. Wright there is no contradiction in condemning real racism and urging Blacks to take more personal responsibility for the problems of their community.
His criticisms are based on hard facts, not make-believe or white liberal conservative views of patriotism. Its that understanding that enables him to make the comparison between the U. He learned his internationalist outlook from his white mother, who worked among the poor in Indonesia.
But he is not an advocate of Black Liberation Theology even though he listened to Wright for 20 years. He did, and probably nodded in agreement — but as a mainstream presidential candidate with a chance of winning the presidency, of course, he must disassociate from Wright.
Those who expect otherwise are not realistic. The way he did so, by rejecting but not throwing Wright under the bus, was a nod to his youthful base and recognition of his historical roots in the Black community. He then narrowly lost due to racial dynamics — whites telling pollsters one thing, and voting the opposite. Barack Obama is also a strong proponent of modern day Black capitalism. But I believe in the market. I believe in entrepreneurship. Civil rights leader Jesse Jackson is one of most prominent advocates of the market system and Black capitalism.
The concept of Black capitalism has evolved over the decades. Today it means striving and believing it is possible to become a capitalist like Bill Gates.
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Ironically, there has been more success in gaining a foothold in big business then in the political arena where Obama is the only Black in the U. Several African Americans have become heads of major corporations. Forty years ago there were none.
konssutermo.gq His grandfather had been a slave. Since the decline of the civil rights and Black Power movements in the s, the conservative pro-big business wing dominates the discussion on improving the lives of African Americans. If Obama happens to get the Democratic nomination and wins the presidency it can sharpen the debates even more. The real test is yet to come when the Republican right launches its inevitable race-baiting. To this point, the integration of elite African Americans in business, media, the military and politics has made that less effective.
The left in particular should resist a sectarian response towards this unique mass phenomenon for Obama. Progressive political consciousness at the end of the day is not primarily an intellectual transformation. For most, it occurs by joining struggles to end wars and occupations like Iraq and Afghanistan, fighting racism and ending economic inequalities.
It is not a betrayal of socialist principles to do so.
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In response to Red Dave, may I suggest that there are hundred different ways of engaging the young, eager and change minded folk who are backing the Obama campaign. Here are a few ideas:. Register on the Obama for America website and respectfully engage in the discussions which take place there on the issues.
Join in the Change for America voter registration drives. These are not just Obama events, but are vehicles rteaching out to young and old unregistered voters of colour. Nearly organizers turned up the first weekend in Harlem. Challenge by inviting the Obama campaign offices, and the central campaign, to join in the anti-war mobilizations, and local Latin American solidarity activities.
For those in the Bay area, since Obama has endorsed the janitors strike, organize the Obama campaigns there to join in a solidarity rally. Comrade Malik is right in his analysis about the meaning of the Obama campaign, and its impact on the millions of Americans yearning for a new tomorrow. To find ways to engage with those youth, particularly those working class and student touth who have signed on to be trained by the Obama Organizing Fellowships, will provide the base to help build the revolutionary left AFTER the Obama presidency fails to deliver on those expectations which have been raised sky high by the Obama campaign.
If you take the time to read his two books, you will quickly realize that this person is one of the smartest politicans which has emerged in America in a long, long time. We cannot do it from inside the Democratic Party. That morass is no place for a socialist. It referred to their rejection of the dominant view of Christianity as passive and otherworldly and their definition of Christianity as a religion of liberation, consistent with black people's political struggle for justice in America and their cultural identification with Africa. The origin of black theology has two contexts: the civil rights movement of the s and s, largely associated with the Rev.
Martin Luther King, Jr. All those who advocated the need for a black theology were deeply involved in the civil rights movement, and they participated in the protest demonstrations led by King. Unlike most theological movements in Europe and North America , black theology's origin did not take place in the seminary or university. It was created in the context of black people's struggle for racial justice, organized in the churches, and often led by ministers. From the beginning, black theology was understood by its interpreters as a theological reflection upon the black struggle for liberation, defined primarily by King's ministry.
When King and other black church people began to connect the Christian gospel with the struggle for racial justice, the great majority of the white churches and their theologians denied that such a connection existed. Conservative white Christians said that religion and politics did not mix. Liberals, with few exceptions during the s and early s, remained silent or advocated a form of gradualism that questioned the morality of boycotts, sit-ins, and freedom rides. Contrary to popular opinion, King was not well received by the white church establishment when he and other blacks inaugurated the civil rights movement with the Montgomery bus boycott in Because black clergy received no theological support from white churches, they searched African-American history for the religious basis of their prior political commitment to fight for justice alongside the black poor.
They discovered that the black freedom movement did not begin in the s but had roots going back many years.
Black Christians played major leadership roles in the abolition movement, always citing their religious faith as the primary reason for their political commitment. They claimed that the God of the Bible did not create them to be slaves or second-class citizens in the United States. In order to give an intellectual account of this religious conviction, black clergy radicals created a black theology that rejected racism and affirmed that the struggle for black liberation was supported by the gospel of Jesus. After the March on Washington in August , the integration theme began to lose ground to the black nationalist philosophy of Malcolm X.
The riots in the ghettoes of U. It was not until the summer of , however, after Malcolm's assassination , that the term Black Power began to replace the word integration among many civil rights activists. The occasion was the continuation of James Meredith's March against Fear in Mississippi by King, Stokely Carmichael , and other civil rights activists. Carmichael seized the occasion to proclaim the Black Power slogan, and it was heard throughout the United States. The rise of Black Power had a profound effect on the appearance of black theology.
When Carmichael and other radicals separated themselves from King's absolute commitment to nonviolence by proclaiming Black Power, white liberal Christians, especially clergymen, urged black clergy to denounce Black Power as unchristian. To the surprise of these white Christians, a small but significant group of black ministers refused to condemn Black Power. Instead they embraced it and wrote a "Black Power" statement that was published in the New York Times on July 31, The publication of the "Black Power" statement was the beginning of the conscious development of a black theology.
While blacks have always recognized the ethical heresy of white Christians "Everybody talking about heaven ain't going there" , they still assumed that whites had the correct understanding of the Christian faith. However, the call for a black theology meant that black ministers, for the first time since the founding of black churches in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, recognized that white people's privilege in society created a defect not only in their ethical behavior but also in their theological reflections.
No longer able to accept white theology, which was silent on black oppression, black theologians began to make their own theology by rereading the Bible in the context of their participation in the liberation struggles of the black poor. They denounced white theology as racist and were unrelenting in their attack on the manifestations of racism in white denominations. Black clergy also created an ecumenical organization called the National Conference of Black Churchmen, as well as black caucuses in the National Council of Churches and in nearly all the white denominations.
It was in this context that the phrase "black theology" emerged. It was one thing to proclaim the need for a black theology, however, and another to define its intellectual content. Nearly all white ministers and theologians initially dismissed it as ideological rhetoric having nothing to do with real Christian theology. Since white theologians controlled public theological discourse in seminaries and university departments of religion, they made many blacks feel that only Europeans and persons who think like them could define what theology is. In order to challenge the white monopoly on the definition of theology, many young black scholars realized that they had to carry the fight on to the seminaries and universities where theology was being taught and written.
The first book on black theology was written in by James H. Cone under the title Black Theology and Black Power.